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黃良天，中國大陸媒體人，曾被評為2006年度全球華人公共知識分子， Index on Censorship2008年度自由表達(dá)提名獎 。 其經(jīng)歷，見其于2007年接受英國廣播公司記者采訪記錄： BBC: 向聽眾簡單介紹您自己，您的工作經(jīng)歷。 從小在農(nóng)村長大，1972年正式成為農(nóng)民,1974年當(dāng)兵，1978年之后又當(dāng)了兩年農(nóng)民，期間當(dāng)過當(dāng)時和現(xiàn)在一個中國大陸農(nóng)民所能當(dāng)上的最大的官。 1980年考上了中國南方一所風(fēng)景美麗的大學(xué)，四年后被分配到一個稱之為老少邊島的貧困山區(qū)搞了兩年計劃生育工作。 1986年成為一名具有中國特色的新聞工作者，2004年9月被任命為《百姓》雜志主編，2006年12月31日被解職，同日接任《農(nóng)產(chǎn)品市場周刊》主編。 BBC：介紹你現(xiàn)在的工作的狀況？ 作為新聞人，你感到滿意嗎？ 按照官方的統(tǒng)計數(shù)字，中國目前期刊9468種，報紙1938種。其中大部分是根據(jù)政府行政部門的權(quán)利劃分而確定它的讀者定位和市場趨向，所以，從嚴(yán)格意義上說，中國的報刊雜志實際上只是黨的宣傳部門和政府行政部門的延伸。是完全徹底地為黨和政府的具體工作涂脂抹粉的。 農(nóng)產(chǎn)品市場周刊是農(nóng)業(yè)部有關(guān)司局投資的刊物，從目前看，它根本就不是一個獨立的文化產(chǎn)品，投資者和管理者也不想讓它成為純粹的文化產(chǎn)品。 作為一個文化人，一個新聞人，我當(dāng)然為官方對我的這種人事安排感到郁悶。 BBC：有沒有想過改變現(xiàn)狀？ 我正在試圖改變現(xiàn)狀。 我改變現(xiàn)狀的動力來自于我現(xiàn)在的一批非常年輕的同事，他們有的剛走出校門，有的還在實習(xí)，由于一些自己無法自主的因素，參加了這個編輯團(tuán)隊，我不想他們像我的許多同輩一樣，在一個狗茍蠅營的環(huán)境里，逐漸消磨掉一個知識青年應(yīng)有的獨立人格和獨立的思維習(xí)慣，消磨掉一個知識分子應(yīng)有的尊嚴(yán)和風(fēng)度。 中國的刊號，現(xiàn)在是一種國有稀缺資源，報刊雜志的文化含義，不在于它叫什么，我很想通過自己的努力，利用好這個稀缺資源，為我們的讀者服務(wù)，盡量組織我的同事采寫、報道一些真正對老百姓有用的資訊，我會利用一切機(jī)會讓他們走出去，讓我的年輕的同事們盡可能在其中最大限度地養(yǎng)成和體現(xiàn)一個文化人的自由意志。 BBC：在此之前，您曾在百姓雜志任主編。 介紹您曾經(jīng)工作的雜志《百姓》。 您任主編后，改變了其風(fēng)格? 您是基于什么理念， 當(dāng)時雜志的宗旨是什么？ 百姓雜志和農(nóng)產(chǎn)品市場周刊一樣，同屬于農(nóng)業(yè)部主管，也許是它的名稱和農(nóng)業(yè)部的行政職能沒有關(guān)系，所以沒有得到政府主管部門的財務(wù)投資。 我接手百姓雜志時，職工已經(jīng)幾個月沒發(fā)工資，編輯部的電話因欠費而停機(jī)，也沒有一家廣告贊助商。 我估計，當(dāng)時我的上級任命我為百姓雜志主編，其最重要的出發(fā)點，就是為了挽救百姓雜志糟糕的財務(wù)狀況，當(dāng)然，他們也沒有忘記"讓國有資產(chǎn)增值"，在任命我的同時，也規(guī)定了我每年必須上繳的不斷遞增的財務(wù)額度。 第一年，我的一位朋友資助了１０萬塊錢，百姓雜志得以艱難起步。 相對于雜志的財務(wù)狀況，雜志的編輯力量卻給了我十分充足的信心。 我當(dāng)時的三個編輯，都是出自名校的研究生，都是中國共產(chǎn)黨黨員，他們這真正高學(xué)歷的執(zhí)政黨黨員身份，說明了這些年輕知識分子已經(jīng)勇敢地自我承擔(dān)了振興國家和民族的歷史責(zé)任，他們用自己的年輕和激情，鑄就了百姓雜志２７期的輝煌。 期間，我們抵制了所有來自各方面的官樣文章。拒絕了所有文章中的官話、套話、假話和大話，把讀者對象從農(nóng)民和農(nóng)業(yè)官員轉(zhuǎn)向一切關(guān)心國家和民族命運的知識分子。努力用平民的視角記錄變革中的中國。 我們把一本官辦的雜志改造成了一本真正的高品質(zhì)的文化載體，在這片日漸清新的北方田野里，還有一批志向高遠(yuǎn)的公共知識分子和我們一起耕作一起和著中國的躁動喜怒哀樂。 BBC: 當(dāng)時百姓《雜志》報道犀利，受到了廣泛關(guān)注。當(dāng)時都做了那些報道？ 中國問題的根源在于土地，中國共產(chǎn)黨革命和改革的發(fā)端，都開始于土地。前者有耕者有其田的號召，后者有家庭聯(lián)產(chǎn)承包責(zé)任制的妥協(xié)，實際上，這兩者的聯(lián)系是一種歷史的反動。 也正基于這種反動，當(dāng)初革命和改革的動力成了當(dāng)前社會矛盾和社會動蕩的主要根源。也成了中國有權(quán)階級滋生腐敗的溫床。 要以平民的視角紀(jì)錄變革中的中國，任何一個有良心和良知的政治家或者公共知識分子，都無法對當(dāng)前中國的土地制度和土地問題熟視無睹。 所以，在我主持期間，百姓雜志對中國的土地問題作了大量廣泛和深入的報道和分析。其中四川溫江、河南太康和江蘇江陰失地農(nóng)民的抗?fàn)巿蟮溃鹆藝H輿論的關(guān)注。 與此同時，百姓雜志密切注視中國社會的全方位變革，站在理性和陽光的立場上，對中國憲政建設(shè)、民主制度建設(shè)、國有資產(chǎn)流失、傳統(tǒng)文化重建、社會沖突根源、下崗工人待遇、醫(yī)療體制改革等問題適時地發(fā)出了公共知識分子群體負(fù)責(zé)任的聲音，百姓雜志每一期都有文章和報道成為我們稱之為"網(wǎng)絡(luò)議會"的議題。 我感到很寬慰的是，我雖然離開了百姓雜志，但我們組織的許多成功的報道還有百姓雜志在不同時期發(fā)出的不同聲音，已經(jīng)永恒凝固在永遠(yuǎn)奔騰的網(wǎng)絡(luò)里，凝固成了誰也無法篡改的歷史。 BBC：當(dāng)宣布您的調(diào)任通知時，您的感受？ 您同事的反應(yīng)？他們的反應(yīng)給您的感受？ 我的調(diào)任，應(yīng)該是我意料之中的事。 在此之前一個月，我作例行的述職報告，我的結(jié)束語是：百姓的今后，恐怕有待來者賢者了，說這話的時候，我看了看臺下的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，他們似乎沒有什么反應(yīng)。不知道是他們沒聽懂還是城府深。 調(diào)任前一天，他們找我談，我說，不用談了，我明天就離開百姓。 但真的要跟我年輕的同事告別時，我什么話也說不出來了，我掉了眼淚，我這一生，受過很多打擊，但掉眼淚，加上我外婆和我父親去世，只有三次。 去年的最后一天，當(dāng)我把這個消息告訴我在香港讀書的兒子時，我兒子說，像你這么干，撤職是早晚的事，但我沒想到這么快，后來，第二天的明報登了我兒子的話，作為一個父親，我真的對此五味雜陳。 今年元旦，我在美國、加拿大、土耳其、德國、香港、臺灣的同學(xué)和朋友在不同的時區(qū)知道了我的被解職，但在電話里，基本是都是同一句話：該發(fā)生的，真的發(fā)生了。 BBC：共產(chǎn)黨對新聞報道的政策是怎么樣的？ 什么可以報道？什么不可以？報道口徑的限制？ 政策是相對于國家法律和部門規(guī)章而言的。 在中國，相對于法規(guī)，政策可以是多變的、隨意的。而這種多變和隨意有時僅僅取決一個部門領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的一個批示一個電話或者莫名的心血來潮。 中國沒有新聞法，什么可以報道，什么不可以報道，其口徑和標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是不斷變化的，其口徑的大小和標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的寬嚴(yán)往往取決于主管領(lǐng)導(dǎo)同志個人的政治素質(zhì)、文化修養(yǎng)和道德風(fēng)度，有時甚至還取決于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)同志的情緒。 希特勒有句名言：什么是權(quán)威，權(quán)威就是神秘。 我曾經(jīng)對某媒體的一位長官說：你要這樣的權(quán)威嗎，那你最好經(jīng)常發(fā)神經(jīng)。 后來這位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)真的經(jīng)常發(fā)神經(jīng)，他的部下真的很怕他，因為誰也無法揣摩他的思維走勢。 在中國，只要你是相當(dāng)一級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，那你就是相當(dāng)一級的無所不能無所不知的導(dǎo)師，你冷不丁冒出個排比句或者兒歌童謠之類的話來，也會有人將之放在相當(dāng)?shù)恼螝v史文化道德的高度來歌唱，來統(tǒng)一相當(dāng)范圍內(nèi)人民的思想和行為。 BBC：中國的新聞媒體能在這樣的限制下能做到游刃有余嗎？ 中國新聞管控政策是多變的，其多變的原因，在于它的滯后性。 我曾經(jīng)對南華早報記者說：這種管控政策是個橡皮筋，你在其中不動，它就那么小、那么緊。你拱拱它，它也就大了，寬了，不那么束縛了。當(dāng)然，你別將它弄斷了。 歷史總是在艱難中前行。 當(dāng)初，中國搞經(jīng)濟(jì)體制改革，鄧小平給出的秘方是：你們給我殺出一條血路來。 永恒的自由，需要先驅(qū)者的膽識和犧牲精神。 I grew up in the countryside in the south of China and graduated from senior middle school in 1972, during the Cultural Revolution. The rules of the time meant that all middle school graduates were sent to impoverished villages to u2018be re-educated by the peasantsu2019 for two years. Only then would the local Party branch recommend us for transfers to a factory, the army or a university. And so I spent two years in one of those villages and then joined the army, where I remained for a further five years. In 1978 I returned to village work for two years, becoming secretary of a grassroots branch of the Chinese Communist Party. That post was u2013 and is u2013 the highest official position a rural resident can hold. The class system in China means that those with a rural hukou (a household registration document) are ineligible to work in state factories or government bodies, nor can they officially take posts in township-level Party committees. After the death of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping overturned some of his more extreme policies and restored the university entrance examination, which had been abolished a decade earlier. So eight years after leaving school, I took the exam, left behind an almost primitive rural life, and enrolled at university. Four years later, I was assigned to a poor mountainous area where I worked on implementation of the one child policy. In 1986, I was transferred to a major government newspaper, becoming a u2018journalists Association, controlled by the Chinese Communist Partyu2019s Publicity Department. In September 2004, I was appointed editor-in-chief of Baixing by Party bosses. Although it was overseen by the Ministry of Agriculture, Baixing received no financial support from the government, perhaps because it did not have a clear link with the ministryu2019s work. According to official figures there are 9,468 periodicals in China, along with 1,938 newspapers. The majority of these have their target readership and market orientation determined by government. So, strictly speaking, Chinau2019s newspapers and magazines are merely extensions of government and the Partyu2019s Publicity Department. Their job is simply to put a pretty face on their work. When I took over at Baixing, the editors had not been paid for months, the telephone had been cut off, and the magazine did not have a single sponsor. I suppose that is one of the reasons I was given the job u2013 to turn around the magazineu2019s finances. Nor did my bosses forget the governmentu2019s instructions to u2018increase the value of state-owned assetsu2019, ruling that every year I would need to transfer increasing funds to my superiors. In that first year, one of my friends provided financial aid of 100,000 yuan and we made our first faltering steps. But despite our problematic finances, I was full of confidence in our editorial team. The three editors in my charge all held MAs from renowned colleges and were Party members. They were committed to working for the nation and its people, and it was their youth and passion that gave the 27 issues of Baixing published under my editorship their strength.[/font] [font face="Times New Roman" size=4]During that time we boycotted all official articles, and stripped the others of bureaucratic jargon, stereotyped expressions, lies and boasts. We switched our target readership from farmers and agricultural officials to all intellectuals who cared about the fate of the nation and its people. We strove to record a changing China from the perspective of the common people. We transformed a government-run magazine into a genuine quality cultural publication. We were joined in this task by public intellectuals who helped us record Chinau2019s experiences. We also turned the magazineu2019s financial condition around. If you will forgive me for quoting the figures, by the time I left, this monthly publication had an annual circulation of over 300,000 and advertising and reform are linked by a kind of historical discontent, rooted in the loss of land. It is this legacy that has brought the motivation and reform, the main source of todayu2019s social problems and unrest. It has also provided a breeding ground for corruption among the powerful. To document a reforming China from the point of view of the common people, no politician or intellectual of conscience can ignore the current system of land ownership and its problems. So, under my editorship, Baixing provided a wide range of in-depth reporting and analysis on land issues. Our coverage of protests by farmers deprived of their land (in Wenjiang in Sichuan, Taikang in Henan and Jiangyin in Jiangsu) earned international attention. Meanwhile, we also kept a close eye on Chinau2019s social reform in general. We took a rational and open stance, publishing the opinions of public intellectuals on the building of a constitutional government and democratic mechanisms; the loss of state assets; the rebuilding of traditional culture; the causes of social conflict; the treatment of laid-off workers; and reform in the healthcare system. Articles and reports from each issue would be debated in what we called the u2018Internet parliamentu2019. I am comforted by the fact that, although I have left Baixing, many of the articles we produced and the different voices we published will remain available on the Internet, becoming part of a historical record nobody will be able to distort. ]In China, we speak of someone being u2018brave enough to speak the truthu2019, because if you speak the truth, there will be a price to pay. So it was inevitable that I would pay the price by being removed from my post. Less than a month before my departure, at the end of 2006, I made a routine report on my work, ending by saying that in the future Baixing may need a better man at the helm than myself. My superiors did not seem to react to this. I donu2019t know if they failed to understand, or if they kept their thoughts hidden. [/font] [font face="Times New Roman" size=4]The day before my departure they wanted to speak with me. I told them there was no need to talk, and that I would be gone the next day. But when it was time to say farewell to my younger colleagues, I found myself unable to speak. I felt I was letting them down. [/font] [font face="Times New Roman" size=4] On the last day of the year I told my son the news, a student in Hong Kong. He said, u2018Dad, with what you did, you were going to be fired sooner or later. I just didnu2019t think it would be this quick.u2019 On New Yearu2019s Day, Hong Kongu2019s Ming Pao published what he had said, and as a father I was left both proud and bitter.[/font] [font face="Times New Roman" size=4]That New Yearu2019s Day, friends from the US, Canada, Turkey, Germany, Hong Kong and Taiwan phoned me as they heard the news in their own particular time zones u2013 and they all said the same thing: it was bound to happen, but they hadnu2019t expected it so soon. Since being fired, a number of colleagues overseas have asked my opinion on Chinau2019s news policy. I told them that Chinau2019s news policy could be described as a unique product of the nation. It needs to be contrasted with national law and ministerial regulations, but is in fact more changeable than either law or regulations. It can be decided by a memo from a ministerial official, a telephone call, or even on an inexplicable whim. China has no media regulations. Anything can be reported u2013 or not reported. The line to take and standards for what can be reported are constantly changing according to the politics, culture and morality of those in charge u2013 and even, sometimes, according to their mood. In China, if you are an official at a certain level you become the equivalent of an all-powerful, all-knowing guru. Suddenly spout an aphorism or a line from a fairy tale and it will be praised for its political, historical, cultural and moral significance, and then used to guide the thought and behaviour of the people. I have never believed that China has a press in the true sense of the word. Chinau2019s publications are simply tools of the Party and government. Nor do the Chinese authorities deny the nature of the Chinese press. Since the Chinese civil war, the Communist Party has ruled that the news media under its leadership is u2018the Partyu2019s influence on public opinionu2019 or u2018the Partyu2019s mouthpieceu2019. This definition and ideology remain unchanged. Under the leadership of this u2018proletarian Party spirit of the newsu2019, tens of thousands of journalists are working to produce around two thousand newspapers u2013 almost all entirely identical. And that is truly one of the great wonders of the global news industry. After my departure from Baixing, I was transferred to Agricultural Products Weekly. It is also funded by the Ministry of Agriculture, and currently cannot be described in any way as an independent publication. Nor do its investors or managers want to let it become so. I will attempt to change the status quo at Agricultural Products Weekly. My colleagues are all young, some fresh graduates and some interns, assigned to the publication for reasons beyond their control. I hope that they will not u2013 as many of my contemporaries did u2013 lose their independence, dignity and integrity in this cut-throat environment Publication licences u2013 which allow the distribution of a periodical or newspaper u2013 are in short supply in China. One way round this is for publications to change their specialism, while retaining their original name. I hope to use this rare resource to serve our readers, to have our journalists write and report on news of real value to the people. I will take every chance to send them out to cultivate and embody the free spirit of a professional reporter. Chinau2019s so-called press now determines the value of news according to the rank of the officials quoted in the reports. Even if hundreds are buried alive in a mining accident, the entire nationu2019s radio stations, TV channels and newspapers will report simultaneously, telling you which leaders have issued instructions and who is on the scene, covering the entire Chinese leadership from top to bottom before reluctantly telling you the actual facts you wanted to know. [/font] [font face="Times New Roman" size=4]There is no policy or regulation that says anyone who actually reports real news will be fired. However journalists u2018with Chinese characteristicsu2019 have become accustomed to working the way they do. When subservience becomes the norm for the intellectuals of a certain people at a certain time, those people and that time have lost their spirit and soul, becoming zombies I genuinely hope that my Chinese colleagues can value themselves and abide by the basic morality and personal integrity of the educated and the intellectual. As an intellectual, this should not need any intense study of officially decreed moral principles u2013 it should simply be understood. China is currently advocating the construction of a harmonious society. I am delighted that the current generation of Communist Party leaders have taken this phrase from Chinau2019s cultural vocabulary to use as an objective for our society. Chinau2019s written language can combine ideas, and our predecessors have already endowed the word u2018harmoniousu2019 with rich sociological connotations: a society in which everyone has ample crops in the field and the right to speak equally and freely The tens of thousands of people working in Chinau2019s news industry u2013 if they still consider themselves to be professionals and intellectuals u2013 can find within that idea the historical responsibility they bear, and the courage to march forward in its cause. ------《Index on Censorship：[/font][font]Editor Huang Liangtianu2019s investigations cost him his job u2013 the price for refusing to be u2018a journalist with Chinese
